"Keep on the watch"

“For nation will rise against nation and kingdom against kingdom, and there will be food shortages and earthquakes in one place after another. All these things are a beginning of pangs of distress. ; for then there will be great tribulation such as has not occurred since the world’s beginning until now, no, nor will occur again. In fact, unless those days were cut short, no flesh would be saved; but on account of the chosen ones those days will be cut short. ; “Immediately after the tribulation of those days the sun will be darkened, and the moon will not give its light, and the stars will fall from heaven, and the powers of the heavens will be shaken. And then the sign of the Son of man will appear in heaven, and then all the tribes of the earth will beat themselves in lamentation, and they will see the Son of man coming on the clouds of heaven with power and great glory. ; “Now learn from the fig tree as an illustration this point : Just as soon as its young branch grows tender and it puts forth leaves, YOU know that summer is near. Likewise also YOU, when YOU see all these things, know that he is near at the doors. Truly I say to YOU that this generation will by no means pass away until all these things occur. ; “Concerning that day and hour nobody knows, neither the angels of the heavens nor the Son, but only the Father. For just as the days of Noah were, so the presence of the Son of man will be. For as they were in those days before the flood, eating and drinking, men marrying and women being given in marriage, until the day that Noah entered into the ark ; and they took no note until the flood came and swept them all away, so the presence of the Son of man will be. ; Keep on the watch, therefore, because YOU do not know on what day YOUR Lord is coming. “But know one thing, that if the householder had known in what watch the thief was coming, he would have kept awake and not allowed his house to be broken into. On this account YOU too prove yourselves ready, because at an hour that YOU do not think to be it, the Son of man is coming.

Thursday, October 31, 2013

War against Russia is a road to hell

by Igor Bukker

 
War against Russia is a road to hell. 47390.jpeg
On June 22, Russia remembers the summer day of 1941 - the day when the Great Patriotic War began. There was also the Patriotic War, the 200th anniversary of which will be marked this year too.

It was almost the same time of the year, when Napoleon crossed Russia's borders and threatened to destroy the country. Napoleon and Hitler had to experience very hard times when they dared to attack Russia.

Many people will find these coincidences highly interesting.

Napoleon was born in 1760 - Hitler was born in 1889 (a difference of 129 years).

Napoleon came to power in 1804 - Hitler came to power in 1933 (a difference of 129 years).

Napoleon entered Vienna in 1812 - Hitler went to Vienna in 1941 (a difference of 129 years).

Napoleon lost the war in 1816 - Hitler lost the war in 1945 (a difference of 129 years).

This information seems to be very surprising indeed. It was available during the Soviet years. However, one had to search thick textbooks on history and encyclopedias to be able to make such comparisons. Nowadays, it is enough to search the Internet.

Just try to realize: Napoleon and Hitler came to power when they were 44 years old. They both attacked Russia when they were 52. The Emperor and the Fuhrer lost their wars when they were 56.


Many researchers point out similarities in the origin of Napoleon and Hitler, who did not belong to the title nation. Corsica became a French territory a few months before the birth of Napoleon. Austria became part of Germany as a result of Anschluss, which was conducted under Hitler as a politician.

The same can be said about Stalin too.

However, it is clear that there are more differences than similarities between the two politicians. There was only one major similarity in their lives - they attacked Russia and they had to pay for that.


"The peace that we will conclude will put an end to the disastrous influence, which Russia has been showing on Europe for 50 years. I am going to Moscow, and I will finish it all off in one or two battles. Emperor Alexander will be begging for peace on his knees. I will burn Tula and disarm Russia," Napoleon said.

Adolf Hitler said: "We continue where things ended six hundred years ago. We stop the endless German procession to Southern and Western Europe and turn our eyes towards the land in the east. We finally complete colonial and economic politics of the prewar period and move on the territorial politics of the future.

But when in today's Europe we speak of new land, we can think only of Russia and the states bordering on and subordinate to it." "German Armed Forced must be prepared to destroy the Soviet Russia in a short-term campaign before the war against England comes to an end," he wrote in the directive for Operation Barbadossa.

Adolf Hitler did not listen to his country-fellow and the creator of the Second Reich, Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck wrote: "Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the decomposition of the main forces of Russia, which is based on millions of faithful Russians ... The latter, even if they become separated as a result of international treaties, they will quickly re-connect with each other, as the particles of the cut piece of mercury. This indestructible State of the Russian nation is strong for its climate, territories and its simplicity, as well as for the need to defend its borders constantly. This State, even after complete destruction, will turn into a revengeful enemy."

The above was written more than 50 years before Operation Barbadossa. So it was Hitler, not Napoleon, who did not learn the lesson. Napoleon did not listen to his generals and ministers either. French general and diplomat Caulaincourt strongly advised Napoleon to renounce his proposed expedition to Russia. "The war against Russia is a road to hell," he said.

There are many reasons to explain the death of the Great French Army and the German Wehrmacht on vast Russian territories. "Different nations gave different examples of human ideals. For Chinese - it is a wise man, for Hindu - it is an ascetic, for Romans, it is an emperor, for England and Spain - an aristocrat, for Prussians - a solider. Russia is seen for the ideal of its woman," German researcher Walter Schubart wrote in his work "Europe and the Soul of the East."
 

Tuesday, October 29, 2013

UNCIVILISATION

The dark mountain manifesto

Rearmament


These grand and fatal movements toward death: the grandeur of the mass
Makes pity a fool, the tearing pity
For the atoms of the mass, the persons, the victims, makes it seem monstrous
To admire the tragic beauty they build.
It is beautiful as a river flowing or a slowly gathering
Glacier on a high mountain rock-face,
Bound to plow down a forest, or as frost in November,
The gold and flaming death-dance for leaves,
Or a girl in the night of her spent maidenhood, bleeding and kissing.
I would burn my right hand in a slow fire
To change the future … I should do foolishly. The beauty of modern
Man is not in the persons but in the
Disastrous rhythm, the heavy and mobile masses, the dance of the
Dream-led masses down the dark mountain.
Robinson Jeffers, 1935

I walking on lava
The end of the human race will be that it will eventually die of civilisation.
 
Ralph Waldo Emerson
 
Those who witness extreme social collapse at first hand seldom describe any deep revelation about the truths of human existence. What they do mention, if asked, is their surprise at how easy it is to die.
 
The pattern of ordinary life, in which so much stays the same from one day to the next, disguises the fragility of its fabric. How many of our activities are made possible by the impression of stability that pattern gives? So long as it repeats, or varies steadily enough, we are able to plan for tomorrow as if all the things we rely on and don’t think about too care- fully will still be there. When the pattern is broken, by civil war or natu- ral disaster or the smaller-scale tragedies that tear at its fabric, many of those activities become impossible or meaningless, while simply meeting needs we once took for granted may occupy much of our lives.
 
What war correspondents and relief workers report is not only the fragility of the fabric, but the speed with which it can unravel. As we write this, no one can say with certainty where the unravelling of the financial and commercial fabric of our economies will end. Meanwhile, beyond the cities, unchecked industrial exploitation frays the material basis of life in many parts of the world, and pulls at the ecological systems which sustain it.
 
Precarious as this moment may be, however, an awareness of the fragility of what we call civilisation is nothing new.
 
‘Few men realise,’ wrote Joseph Conrad in 1896, ‘that their life, the very essence of their character, their capabilities and their audacities, are only the expression of their belief in the safety of their surroundings.’ Conrad’s writings exposed the civilisation exported by European imperialists to be little more than a comforting illusion, not only in the dark, unconquerable heart of Africa, but in the whited sepulchres of their capital cities. The inhabitants of that civilisation believed ‘blindly in the irresistible force of its institutions and its morals, in the power of its police and of its opinion,’ but their confidence could be maintained only by the seeming solidity of the crowd of like-minded believers surrounding them. Outside the walls, the wild remained as close to the surface as blood under skin, though the city-dweller was no longer equipped to face it directly.
 
Bertrand Russell caught this vein in Conrad’s worldview, suggesting that the novelist ‘thought of civilised and morally tolerable human life as a dangerous walk on a thin crust of barely cooled lava which at any moment might break and let the unwary sink into fiery depths.’ What both Russell and Conrad were getting at was a simple fact which any historian could confirm: human civilisation is an intensely fragile con- struction. It is built on little more than belief: belief in the rightness of its values; belief in the strength of its system of law and order; belief in its currency; above all, perhaps, belief in its future.
 
Once that belief begins to crumble, the collapse of a civilisation may become unstoppable. That civilisations fall, sooner or later, is as much a law of history as gravity is a law of physics. What remains after the fall is a wild mixture of cultural debris, confused and angry people whose certainties have betrayed them, and those forces which were always there, deeper than the foundations of the city walls: the desire to survive and the desire for meaning.

It is, it seems, our civilisation’s turn to experience the inrush of the savage and the unseen; our turn to be brought up short by contact with untamed reality. There is a fall coming. We live in an age in which familiar restraints are being kicked away, and foundations snatched from under us. After a quarter century of complacency, in which we were invited to believe in bubbles that would never burst, prices that would never fall, the end of history, the crude repackaging of the triumphalism of Conrad’s Victorian twilight — Hubris has been introduced to Nemesis. Now a familiar human story is being played out. It is the story of an empire corroding from within. It is the story of a people who believed, for a long time, that their actions did not have consequences. It is the story of how that people will cope with the crumbling of their own myth. It is our story.

 
This time, the crumbling empire is the unassailable global economy, and the brave new world of consumer democracy being forged worldwide in its name. Upon the indestructibility of this edifice we have pinned the hopes of this latest phase of our civilisation. Now, its failure and fallibility exposed, the world’s elites are scrabbling frantically to buoy up an economic machine which, for decades, they told us needed little restraint, for restraint would be its undoing. Uncountable sums of money are being funnelled upwards in order to prevent an uncontrolled explosion. The machine is stuttering and the engineers are in panic. They are wondering if perhaps they do not understand it as well as they imagined. They are wondering whether they are controlling it at all or whether, perhaps, it is controlling them.
 
Increasingly, people are restless. The engineers group themselves into competing teams, but neither side seems to know what to do, and neither seems much different from the other. Around the world, discontent can be heard. The extremists are grinding their knives and moving in as the machine’s coughing and stuttering exposes the inadequacies of the political oligarchies who claimed to have everything in hand. Old gods are rearing their heads, and old answers: revolution, war, ethnic strife.
 
Politics as we have known it totters, like the machine it was built to sustain. In its place could easily arise something more elemental, with a dark heart.
 
As the financial wizards lose their powers of levitation, as the politicians and economists struggle to conjure new explanations, it starts to dawn on us that behind the curtain, at the heart of the Emerald City, sits not the benign and omnipotent invisible hand we had been promised, but something else entirely. Something responsible for what Marx, writing not so long before Conrad, cast as the ‘everlasting uncertainty and anguish’ of the ‘bourgeois epoch’; a time in which ‘all that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned.’ Draw back the curtain, follow the tireless motion of cogs and wheels back to its source, and you will find the engine driving our civilisation: the myth of progress.
 
The myth of progress is to us what the myth of god-given warrior prowess was to the Romans, or the myth of eternal salvation was to the conquistadors: without it, our efforts cannot be sustained. Onto the root stock of Western Christianity, the Enlightenment at its most optimistic grafted a vision of an Earthly paradise, towards which human effort guided by calculative reason could take us. Following this guidance, each generation will live a better life than the life of those that went before it. History becomes an escalator, and the only way is up. On the top floor is human perfection. It is important that this should remain just out of reach in order to sustain the sensation of motion.
 
Recent history, however, has given this mechanism something of a battering. The past century too often threatened a descent into hell, rather than the promised heaven on Earth. Even within the prosperous and liberal societies of the West progress has, in many ways, failed to deliver the goods.
 
Today’s generation are demonstrably less content, and consequently less optimistic, than those that went before. They work longer hours, with less security, and less chance of leaving behind the social back- ground into which they were born. They fear crime, social breakdown, overdevelopment, environmental collapse. They do not believe that the future will be better than the past. Individually, they are less constrained by class and convention than their parents or grandparents, but more constrained by law, surveillance, state proscription and personal debt. Their physical health is better, their mental health more fragile. Nobody knows what is coming. Nobody wants to look.
 
Most significantly of all, there is an underlying darkness at the root of everything we have built. Outside the cities, beyond the blurring edges of our civilisation, at the mercy of the machine but not under its control, lies something that neither Marx nor Conrad, Caesar nor Hume, Thatcher nor Lenin ever really understood. Something that Western civilisation — which has set the terms for global civilisation—was never capable of understanding, because to understand it would be to undermine, fatally, the myth of that civilisation. Something upon which that thin crust of lava is balanced; which feeds the machine and all the people who run it, and which they have all trained themselves not to see.

the severed hand


Then what is the answer? Not to be deluded by dreams.
To know that great civilisations have broken down into violence,
and their tyrants come, many times before.
When open violence appears, to avoid it with honor or choose
the least ugly faction; these evils are essential.
To keep one’s own integrity, be merciful and uncorrupted
and not wish for evil; and not be duped
By dreams of universal justice or happiness. These dreams will
not be fulfilled.
To know this, and know that however ugly the parts appear
the whole remains beautiful. A severed hand
Is an ugly thing and man dissevered from the earth and stars
and his history … for contemplation or in fact …
Often appears atrociously ugly. Integrity is wholeness,
the greatest beauty is
Organic wholeness, the wholeness of life and things, the divine beauty
of the universe. Love that, not man
Apart from that, or else you will share man’s pitiful confusions,
or drown in despair when his days darken.
Robinson Jeffers, The Answer

The myth of progress is founded on the myth of nature. The first tells us that we are destined for greatness; the second tells us that greatness is cost-free. Each is intimately bound up with the other.
 
Both tell us that we are apart from the world; that we began grunting in the primeval swamps, as a humble part of something called ‘nature’, which we have now triumphantly subdued. The very fact that we have a word for ‘nature’ is [5] evidence that we do not regard ourselves as part of it. Indeed, our separation from it is a myth integral to the triumph of our civilisation. We are, we tell ourselves, the only species ever to have attacked nature and won. In this, our unique glory is contained.
 
Outside the citadels of self-congratulation, lone voices have cried out against this infantile version of the human story for centuries, but it is only in the last few decades that its inaccuracy has become laughably apparent. We are the first generations to grow up surrounded by evidence that our attempt to separate ourselves from ‘nature’ has been a grim failure, proof not of our genius but our hubris.
 
The attempt to sever the hand from the body has endangered the ‘progress’ we hold so dear, and it has endangered much of ‘nature’ too. The resulting upheaval underlies the crisis we now face.
 
We imagined ourselves isolated from the source of our existence. The fallout from this imaginative error is all around us: a quarter of the world’s mammals are threatened with imminent extinction; an acre and a half of rainforest is felled every second; 75% of the world’s fish stocks are on the verge of collapse; humanity consumes 25% more of the world’s natural ‘products’ than the Earth can replace — a figure predicted to rise to 80% by mid-century. Even through the deadening lens of statistics, we can glimpse the violence to which our myths have driven us.
 
And over it all looms runaway climate change. Climate change, which threatens to render all human projects irrelevant; which presents us with detailed evidence of our lack of understanding of the world we inhabit while, at the same time, demonstrating that we are still entirely reliant upon it. Climate change, which highlights in painful colour the head-on crash between civilisation and ‘nature’; which makes plain, more effectively than any carefully constructed argument or optimistically defiant protest, how the machine’s need for permanent growth will require us to destroy ourselves in its name. Climate change, which brings home at last our ultimate powerlessness.
 
These are the facts, or some of them. Yet facts never tell the whole story. (‘Facts’, Conrad wrote, in Lord Jim, ‘as if facts could prove anything.’) The facts of environmental crisis we hear so much about often conceal as much as they expose. We hear daily about the impacts of our activities on ‘the environment’ (like ‘nature’, this is an expression which distances us from the reality of our situation).
 
Daily we hear, too, of the many ‘solutions’ to these problems: solutions which usually involve the necessity of urgent political agreement and a judicious application of human technological genius.
 
Things may be changing, runs the narrative, but there is nothing we cannot deal with here, folks. We perhaps need to move faster, more urgently. Certainly we need to accelerate the pace of research and development. We accept that we must become more ‘sustainable’. But everything will be fine. There will still be growth, there will still be progress: these things will continue, because they have to continue, so they cannot do anything but continue. There is nothing to see here. Everything will be fine.

We do not believe that everything will be fine. We are not even sure, based on current definitions of progress and improvement, that we want it to be. Of all humanity’s delusions of difference, of its separation from and superiority to the living world which surrounds it, one distinction holds up better than most: we may well be the first species capable of effectively eliminating life on Earth. This is a hypothesis we seem intent on putting to the test. We are already responsible for denuding the world of much of its richness, magnificence, beauty, colour and magic, and we show no sign of slowing down. For a very long time, we imagined that ‘nature’ was something that happened elsewhere. The damage we did to it might be regrettable, but needed to be weighed against the benefits here and now. And in the worst case scenario, there would always be some kind of Plan B. Perhaps we would make for the moon, where we could survive in lunar colonies under giant bubbles as we planned our expansion across the galaxy.

 
But there is no Plan B and the bubble, it turns out, is where we have been living all the while. The bubble is that delusion of isolation under which we have laboured for so long. The bubble has cut us off from life on the only planet we have, or are ever likely to have. The bubble is civilisation.
 
Consider the structures on which that bubble has been built. Its foundations are geological: coal, oil, gas — millions upon millions of years of ancient sunlight, dragged from the depths of the planet and burned with abandon. On this base, the structure stands. Move upwards, and you pass through a jumble of supporting horrors: battery chicken sheds; industrial abattoirs; burning forests; beam-trawled ocean floors; dynamited reefs; hollowed-out mountains; wasted soil. Finally, on top of all these unseen layers, you reach the well-tended surface where you and I stand: unaware, or uninterested, in what goes on beneath us; demanding that the authorities keep us in the manner to which we have been accustomed; occasion- ally feeling twinges of guilt that lead us to buy organic chickens or locally-produced lettuces; yet for the most part glutted, but not sated, on the fruits of the horrors on which our lifestyles depend.
 
We are the first generations born into a new and unprecedented age — the age of ecocide. To name it thus is not to presume the outcome, but simply to describe a process which is underway. The ground, the sea, the air, the elemental backdrops to our existence — all these our economics has taken for granted, to be used as a bottomless tip, endlessly able to dilute and disperse the tailings of our extraction, production, consumption. The sheer scale of the sky or the weight of a swollen river makes it hard to imagine that creatures as flimsy as you and I could do that much damage. Philip Larkin gave voice to this attitude, and the creeping, worrying end of it in his poem Going, Going:
Things are tougher than we are, just
As earth will always respond
However we mess it about;
Chuck filth in the sea, if you must:
The tides will be clean beyond.
– But what do I feel now? Doubt?
Nearly forty years on from Larkin’s words, doubt is what all of us seem to feel, all of the time. Too much filth has been chucked in the sea and into the soil and into the atmosphere to make any other feeling sensible. The doubt, and the facts, have paved the way for a worldwide movement of environmental politics, which aimed, at least in its early, raw form, to challenge the myths of development and progress head-on. But time has not been kind to the greens. Today’s environmentalists are more likely to be found at corporate conferences hymning the virtues of ‘sustainability’ and ‘ethical consumption’ than doing anything as naive as questioning the intrinsic values of civilisation. Capitalism has absorbed the greens, as it absorbs so many challenges to its ascendancy. A radical challenge to the human machine has been transformed into yet another opportunity for shopping.
 
‘Denial’ is a hot word, heavy with connotations. When it is used to brand the remaining rump of climate change sceptics, they object noisily to the association with those who would rewrite the history of the Holocaust. Yet the focus on this dwindling group may serve as a distraction from a far larger form of denial, in its psychoanalytic sense. Freud wrote of the inability of people to hear things which did not fit with the way they saw themselves and the world. We put ourselves through all kinds of inner contortions, rather than look plainly at those things which challenge our fundamental understanding of the world.
 
Today, humanity is up to its neck in denial about what it has built, what it has become — and what it is in for. Ecological and economic collapse unfold before us and, if we acknowledge them at all, we act as if this were a temporary problem, a technical glitch. Centuries of hubris block our ears like wax plugs; we cannot hear the message which reality is screaming at us. For all our doubts and discontents, we are still wired to an idea of his- tory in which the future will be an upgraded version of the present. The assumption remains that things must continue in their current direction: the sense of crisis only smudges the meaning of that ‘must’. No longer a natural inevitability, it becomes an urgent necessity: we must find a way to go on having supermarkets and superhighways. We cannot contemplate the alternative.
 
And so we find ourselves, all of us together, poised trembling on the edge of a change so massive that we have no way of gauging it. None of us knows where to look, but all of us know not to look down. Secretly, we all think we are doomed: even the politicians think this; even the environmentalists. Some of us deal with it by going shopping. Some deal with it by hoping it is true. Some give up in despair. Some work frantically to try and fend off the coming storm.
 
Our question is: what would happen if we looked down? Would it be as bad as we imagine? What might we see? Could it even be good for us?
We believe it is time to look down.

uncivilisation


 Without mystery, without curiosity and without the form imposed by a partial answer, there can be no stories—only confessions, com- muniqués, memories and fragments of autobiographical fantasy which for the moment pass as novels.
John Berger, ‘A Story for Aesop’, from Keeping a Rendezvous
 
If we are indeed teetering on the edge of a massive change in how we live, in how human society itself is constructed, and in how we relate to the rest of the world, then we were led to this point by the stories we have told ourselves — above all, by the story of civilisation.
 
This story has many variants, secular, scientific, economic and mystic. But all tell of humanity’s original transcendence of its animal beginnings, our growing mastery over a ‘nature’ to which we no longer belong, and the glorious future of plenty and prosperity which will follow when this mastery is complete. It is the story of human centrality, of a species destined to be lord of all it surveys, unconfined by the limits that apply to other, lesser creatures.
 
What makes this story so dangerous is that, for the most part, we have forgotten that it is a story. It has been told so many times by those who see themselves as rationalists, even scientists; heirs to the Enlightenment’s legacy — a legacy which includes the denial of the role of stories in making the world.
 
Humans have always lived by stories, and those with skill in telling them have been treated with respect and, often, a certain wariness. Beyond the limits of reason, reality remains mysterious, as incapable of being approached directly as a hunter’s quarry. With stories, with art, with symbols and layers of meaning, we stalk those elusive aspects of reality that go undreamed of in our philosophy.
 
The storyteller weaves the mysterious into the fabric of life, lacing it with the comic, the tragic, the obscene, making safe paths through dangerous territory.
 
Yet as the myth of civilisation deepened its grip on our thinking, borrowing the guise of science and reason, we began to deny the role of stories, to dismiss their power as something primitive, childish, outgrown. The old tales by which generations had made sense of life’s subtleties and strangenesses were bowdlerised and packed off to the nursery. Religion, that bag of myths and mysteries, birthplace of the theatre, was straightened out into a framework of universal laws and moral account-keeping.
 
The dream visions of the Middle Ages became the nonsense stories of Victorian childhood. In the age of the novel, stories were no longer the way to approach the deep truths of the world, so much as a way to pass time on a train journey. It is hard, today, to imagine that the word of a poet was once feared by a king.
 
Yet for all this, our world is still shaped by stories. Through television, film, novels and video games, we may be more thoroughly bombarded with narrative material than any people that ever lived. What is peculiar, however, is the carelessness with which these stories are channelled at us — as entertainment, a distraction from daily life, something to hold our attention to the other side of the ad break. There is little sense that these things make up the equipment by which we navigate reality. On the other hand, there are the serious stories told by economists, politicians, geneticists and corporate leaders. These are not presented as stories at all, but as direct accounts of how the world is. Choose between competing versions, then fight with those who chose differently. The ensuing conflicts play out on early morning radio, in afternoon debates and late night television pundit wars. And yet, for all the noise, what is striking is how much the opposing sides agree on: all their stories are only variants of the larger story of human centrality, of our ever-expanding control over ‘nature’, our right to perpetual economic growth, our ability to transcend all limits.
 
So we find ourselves, our ways of telling unbalanced, trapped inside a runaway narrative, headed for the worst kind of encounter with reality. In such a moment, writers, artists, poets and storytellers of all kinds have a critical role to play. Creativity remains the most uncontrollable of human forces: without it, the project of civilisation is inconceivable, yet no part of life remains so untamed and undomesticated. Words and images can change minds, hearts, even the course of history. Their makers shape the stories people carry through their lives, unearth old ones and breathe them back to life, add new twists, point to unexpected endings. It is time to pick up the threads and make the stories new, as they must always be made new, starting from where we are.
 
Mainstream art in the West has long been about shock; about busting taboos, about Getting Noticed.
 
This has gone on for so long that it has become common to assert that in these ironic, exhausted, post-everything times, there are no taboos left to bust. But there is one.
 
The last taboo is the myth of civilisation. It is built upon the stories we have constructed about our genius, our indestructibility, our manifest destiny as a chosen species. It is where our vision and our self-belief intertwine with our reckless refusal to face the reality of our position on this Earth. It has led the human race to achieve what it has achieved; and has led the planet into the age of ecocide.
 
The two are intimately linked. We believe they must decoupled if anything is to remain.
 
We believe that artists — which is to us the most welcoming of words, taking under its wing writers of all kinds, painters, musicians, sculptors, poets, designers, creators, makers of things, dreamers of dreams — have a responsibility to begin the process of decoupling. We believe that, in the age of ecocide, the last taboo must be broken — and that only artists can do it.
 
Ecocide demands a response. That response is too important to be left to politicians, economists, conceptual thinkers, number crunchers; too all-pervasive to be left to activists or campaigners. Artists are needed. So far, though, the artistic response has been muted. In between traditional nature poetry and agitprop, what is there? Where are the poems that have adjusted their scope to the scale of this challenge? Where are the novels that probe beyond the country house or the city centre? What new form of writing has emerged to challenge civilisation itself? What gallery mounts an exhibition equal to this challenge? Which musician has discovered the secret chord?
 
If the answers to these questions have been scarce up to now, it is perhaps both because the depth of collective denial is so great, and because the challenge is so very daunting. We are daunted by it, ourselves. But we believe it needs to be risen to. We believe that art must look over the edge, face the world that is coming with a steady eye, and rise to the challenge of ecocide with a challenge of its own: an artistic response to the crumbling of the empires of the mind.

This response we call Uncivilised art, and we are interested in one branch of it in particular: Uncivilised writing. Uncivilised writing is writing which attempts to stand outside the human bubble and see us as we are: highly evolved apes with an array of talents and abilities which we are unleashing without sufficient thought, control, compassion or intelligence. Apes who have constructed a sophisticated myth of their own importance with which to sustain their civilising project. Apes whose project has been to tame, to control, to subdue or to destroy — to civilise the forests, the deserts, the wild lands and the seas, to impose bonds on the minds of their own in order that they might feel nothing when they exploit or destroy their fellow creatures.

 
Against the civilising project, which has become the progenitor of ecocide, Uncivilised writing offers not a non-human perspective—we remain human and, even now, are not quite ashamed — but a perspective which sees us as one strand of a web rather than as the first palanquin in a glorious procession. It offers an unblinking look at the forces among which we find ourselves.
 
It sets out to paint a picture of homo sapiens which a being from another world or, better, a being from our own — a blue whale, an albatross, a mountain hare — might recognise as something approaching a truth. It sets out to tug our attention away from ourselves and turn it outwards; to uncentre our minds. It is writing, in short, which puts civilisation — and us — into perspective.
 
Writing that comes not, as most writing still does, from the self-absorbed and self-congratulatory metropolitan centres of civilisation but from somewhere on its wilder fringes. Somewhere woody and weedy and largely avoided, from where insistent, uncomfortable truths about ourselves drift in; truths which we’re not keen on hearing. Writing which unflinchingly stares us down, however uncomfortable this may prove.
 
It might perhaps be just as useful to explain what Uncivilised writing is not. It is not environmental writing, for there is much of that about already, and most of it fails to jump the barrier which marks the limit of our collective human ego; much of it, indeed, ends up shoring-up that ego, and helping us to persist in our civilisational delusions. It is not nature writing, for there is no such thing as nature as distinct from people, and to suggest otherwise is to perpetuate the attitude which has brought us here.
 
And it is not political writing, with which the world is already flooded, for politics is a human confection, complicit in ecocide and decaying from within.
 
Uncivilised writing is more rooted than any of these. Above all, it is determined to shift our worldview, not to feed into it. It is writing for outsiders. If you want to be loved, it might be best not to get involved, for the world, at least for a time, will resolutely refuse to listen.
 
A salutary example of this last point can be found in the fate of one of the twentieth century’s most significant yet most neglected poets. Robinson Jeffers was writing Uncivilised verse seventy years before this manifesto was thought of, though he did not call it that. In his early poetic career, Jeffers was a star: he appeared on the cover of Time magazine, read his poems in the US Library of Congress and was respected for the alternative he offered to the Modernist juggernaut. Today his work is left out of anthologies, his name is barely known and his politics are regarded with suspicion.
 
Read Jeffers’ later work and you will see why. His crime was to deliberately puncture humanity’s sense of self-importance. His punishment was to be sent into a lonely literary exile from which, forty years after his death, he has still not been allowed to return.
 
But Jeffers knew what he was in for. He knew that nobody, in an age of ‘consumer choice’, wanted to be told by this stone-faced prophet of the California cliffs that ‘it is good for man … To know that his needs and nature are no more changed in fact in ten thousand years than the beaks of eagles.’ He knew that no comfortable liberal wanted to hear his angry warning, issued at the height of the Second World War: ‘Keep clear of the dupes that talk democracy / And the dogs that talk revolution / Drunk with talk, liars and believers … / Long live freedom, and damn the ideologies.’ His vision of a world in which humanity was doomed to destroy its surroundings and eventually itself (‘I would burn my right hand in a [14] slow fire / To change the future … I should do foolishly’) was furiously rejected in the rising age of consumer democracy which he also predicted (‘Be happy, adjust your economics to the new abundance…’)
 
Jeffers, as his poetry developed, developed a philosophy too. He called it ‘inhumanism.’ It was, he wrote:
a shifting of emphasis and significance from man to notman; the rejection of human solipsism and recognition of the transhuman magnificence…This manner of thought and feeling is neither misanthropic nor pessimist … It offers a reasonable detachment as rule of conduct, instead of love, hate and envy… it provides magnificence for the religious instinct, and satisfies our need to admire greatness and rejoice in beauty.
The shifting of emphasis from man to notman: this is the aim of Uncivilised writing. To ‘unhumanise our views a little, and become confident / As the rock and ocean that we were made from.’ This is not a rejection of our humanity — it is an affirmation of the wonder of what it means to be truly human.
 
It is to accept the world for what it is and to make our home here, rather than dreaming of relocating to the stars, or existing in a Man-forged bubble and pretending to ourselves that there is nothing outside it to which we have any connection at all.
 
This, then, is the literary challenge of our age. So far, few have taken it up. The signs of the times flash out in urgent neon, but our literary lions have better things to read. Their art remains stuck in its own civilised bubble. The idea of civilisation is entangled, right down to its semantic roots, with city-dwelling, and this provokes a thought: if our writers seem unable to find new stories which might lead us through the times ahead, is this not a function of their metropolitan mentality? The big names of contemporary literature are equally at home in the fashionable quarters of London or New York, and their writing reflects the prejudices of the placeless, transnational elite to which they belong.
 
The converse also applies. Those voices which tell other stories tend to be rooted in a sense of place.
 
Think of John Berger’s novels and essays from the Haute Savoie, or the depths explored by Alan Garner within a day’s walk of his birthplace in Cheshire. Think of Wendell Berry or WS Merwin, Mary Oliver or Cormac McCarthy. Those whose writings [15] approach the shores of the Uncivilised are those who know their place, in the physical sense, and who remain wary of the siren cries of metrovincial fashion and civilised excitement.
 
If we name particular writers whose work embodies what we are arguing for, the aim is not to place them more prominently on the existing map of literary reputations. Rather, as Geoff Dyer has said of Berger, to take their work seriously is to redraw the maps altogether — not only the map of literary reputations, but those by which we navigate all areas of life.
 
Even here, we go carefully, for cartography itself is not a neutral activity. The drawing of maps is full of colonial echoes. The civilised eye seeks to view the world from above, as something we can stand over and survey. The Uncivilised writer knows the world is, rather, something we are enmeshed in — a patchwork and a framework of places, experiences, sights, smells, sounds. Maps can lead, but can also mislead. Our maps must be the kind sketched in the dust with a stick, washed away by the next rain. They can be read only by those who ask to see them, and they cannot be bought.
 
This, then, is Uncivilised writing. Human, inhuman, stoic and entirely natural. Humble, questioning, suspicious of the big idea and the easy answer. Walking the boundaries and reopening old conversations. Apart but engaged, its practitioners always willing to get their hands dirty; aware, in fact, that dirt is essential; that keyboards should be tapped by those with soil under their fingernails and wilderness in their heads.
 
We tried ruling the world; we tried acting as God’s steward, then we tried ushering in the human revolution, the age of reason and isolation. We failed in all of it, and our failure destroyed more than we were even aware of. The time for civilisation is past. Uncivilisation, which knows its flaws because it has participated in them; which sees unflinchingly and bites down hard as it records — this is the project we must embark on now. This is the challenge for writing — for art — to meet. This is what we are here for.

to the foothills!


 One impulse from a vernal wood
May teach you more of man,
Of moral evil and of good,
Than all the sages can.
William Wordsworth, The Tables Turned
A movement needs a beginning. An expedition needs a base camp. A project needs a headquarters. Uncivilisation is our project, and the promotion of Uncivilised writing — and art — needs a base. We present this manifesto not simply because we have something to say—who doesn’t?—but because we have something to do. We hope this pamphlet has created a spark. If so, we have a responsibility to fan the flames. This is what we intend to do. But we can’t do it alone.
 
This is a moment to ask deep questions and to ask them urgently. All around us, shifts are under way which suggest that our whole way of living is already passing into history. It is time to look for new paths and new stories, ones that can lead us through the end of the world as we know it and out the other side. We suspect that by questioning the foundations of civilisation, the myth of human centrality, our imagined isolation, we may find the beginning of such paths.
 
If we are right, it will be necessary to go literally beyond the Pale. Out- side the stockades we have built — the city walls, the original marker in stone or wood that first separated ‘man’ from ‘nature’.
 
Beyond the gates, out into the wilderness, is where we are headed. And there we shall make for the higher ground for, as Jeffers wrote, ‘when the cities lie at the monster’s feet / There are left the mountains.’ We shall make the pilgrimage to the poet’s Dark Mountain, to the great, immovable, inhuman heights which were here before us and will be here after, and from their slopes we shall look back upon the pinprick lights of the distant cities and gain perspective on who we are and what we have become.
 
This is the Dark Mountain project. It starts here.
 
Where will it end? Nobody knows. Where will it lead? We are not sure. Its first incarnation, launched alongside this manifesto, is a website, which points the way to the ranges. It will contains thoughts, scribblings, jottings, ideas; it will work up the project of Uncivilisation, and invite all comers to join the discussion.
 
Then it will become a physical object, because virtual reality is, ultimately, no reality at all. It will become a journal, of paper, card, paint and print; of ideas, thoughts, observations, mumblings; new stories which will help to define the project — the school, the movement — of Uncivilised writing. It will collect the words and the images of those who consider themselves Uncivilised and have something to say about it; who want to help us attack the citadels. It will be a thing of beauty for the eye and for the heart and for the mind, for we are unfashionable enough to believe that beauty — like truth — not only exists, but still matters.
 
Beyond that… all is currently hidden from view. It is a long way across the plains, and things become obscured by distance. There are great white spaces on this map still. The civilised would fill them in; we are not so sure we want to. But we cannot resist exploring them, navigating by rumours and by the stars. We don’t know quite what we will find. We are slightly nervous. But we will not turn back, for we believe that something enormous may be out there, waiting to meet us.
 
Uncivilisation, like civilisation, is not something that can be created alone. Climbing the Dark Mountain cannot be a solitary exercise. We need bearers, sherpas, guides, fellow adventurers. We need to rope ourselves together for safety. At present, our form is loose and nebulous. It will firm itself up as we climb. Like the best writing, we need to be shaped by the ground beneath our feet, and what we become will be shaped, at least in part, by what we find on our journey.
 
If you would like to climb at least some of the way with us, we would like to hear from you. We feel sure there are others out there who would relish joining us on this expedition.
Come. Join us. We leave at dawn.

the eight principles of uncivilisation

‘We must unhumanise our views a little, and become confident
As the rock and ocean that we were made from.’
 
  1. We live in a time of social, economic and ecological unravelling. All around us are signs that our whole way of living is already passing into history. We will face this reality honestly and learn how to live with it.
  2. We reject the faith which holds that the converging crises of our times can be reduced to a set of ‘problems’ in need of technological or political ‘solutions’.
  3. We believe that the roots of these crises lie in the stories we have been telling ourselves. We intend to challenge the stories which underpin our civilisation: the myth of progress, the myth of human centrality, and the myth of our separation from ‘nature’. These myths are more dangerous for the fact that we have forgotten they are myths.
  4. We will reassert the role of storytelling as more than mere entertainment. It is through stories that we weave reality.
  5. Humans are not the point and purpose of the planet. Our art will begin with the attempt to step outside the human bubble. By careful attention, we will reengage with the non-human world.
  6. We will celebrate writing and art which is grounded in a sense of place and of time. Our literature has been dominated for too long by those who inhabit the cosmopolitan citadels.
  7. We will not lose ourselves in the elaboration of theories or ideologies. Our words will be elemental. We write with dirt under our fingernails.
  8. The end of the world as we know it is not the end of the world full stop. Together, we will find the hope beyond hope, the paths which lead to the unknown world ahead of us.

Good one, Mr.President

By Ron Bryan

Good one, President Putin. 51128.jpeg
Russian President Putin knows a lot more about Syria than our President Obama does. President Putin wrote an op-ed piece for the New York Times a few days ago. He presents a well-written article on his perspective of the Syrian situation. Here is a link to that article:https://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/12/opinion/putin-plea-for-caution-from-russia-on-syria.html?pagewanted=all
 
I don't want to belittle our prez when he's in the middle of a world crisis but I don't have to - he's belittling himself with a lack of follow-thru regarding his "red line" comment about Syria's use of chemical weapons - he seems to be caught in a storm of vacillation. This is reminiscent of when he was an Illinois state senator. He often voted "present" because he could not make a "yes" or "no" decision. This particular juncture of international politics is where Putin's warrior spirit and Obama's pussyboy spirit meet. Guess which one will win? 
 
Now, if there was ever any doubt, the entire world knows that our President Obama is indecisive and has no concept of military strategies or tactics. His involvement in Syria is over two years late. I'm curious - I know that Valerie Jarrett is actually taking care of many of the presidential duties - but is she behind all of this presidential dithering? One thing is certain - a far-left liberal, socialistic-leaning, pacifistic, gay-loving, Saul Alinsky follower cannot a commander-in-chief be - that would be oxymoronic. 
 
It is interesting to note that Russian President Putin is leading his country away from the suppressive environment of communist-based totalitarianism and into the refreshing atmosphere of a democracy-inspired market-driven economy. He is doing an incredible job of improving the lives of the Russian people. Is Putin perfect? Hell, no -- only God is perfect. But Putin is way ahead of whoever is in third place.  
        
President Putin is now the world leader in solving the Syrian crisis. And I think that that is a good thing. He is an expert on international policy in general and on Syria in particular -- President Obama is not. Putin is a firearms expert and Obama is not. Obama has a strong domestic agenda for America but he is clueless when it comes to foreign policy. And Obama's domestic agenda is, ironically, based on socialist principles - a political system Putin has rejected. Obama is a weakling and Putin is a he-man.
 
Secretary of State John Kerry and Obama are both trying to grapple with our international problems with their eyes wide shut. Luckily, Putin, who always pays attention, seems to be on the right track. He took Kerry's bumbling comment about Syria's giving up its chemical weapons stockpile to the United Nations, claiming it could never happen, and shoved it right back up Kerry's ass. This situation caught Obama by surprise. Fortunately for all, Putin is a leader of men.
 
Thanks to his lightning-quick thinking and decisive action - we seem to be on the way to a solution. Would I have preferred that Obama solve the problem with a rational solution? Of course - I'm a patriotic American -- but I have been a long-time fan of Vladimir Putin thanks in part to a martial arts buddy, former UFC heavyweight champion Oleg Taktarov. I feel no animosity toward Putin - I have openly admired him for years. And the Stalin era is ancient history -- Americans need to get over that.
 
This clearly illustrates several points: Putin is more intelligent than either Kerry or Obama who both have high-average IQs as accurately as I can tell, around 115 on the Stanford-Binet scale - the same category as JFK. I am aware that Fox News Channel pundit Bill O'Reilly claims that Obama has a brilliant mind. O'Reilly, of whom I am a fan, is flat-out wrong in this case. When asked by a friend how I know that Obama is not highly intelligent my response was, "Because I listen to what he says - not how he says it. He's a dumb shit" And I do my own research. Obama was never a university professor. He was a lecturer and a senior lecturer.
 
Putin, as near as I can tell, is in the intellectually gifted category. He got his initial university degree in international law and went on to get a PhD in economics. And he has real-world experience in his early career choice - the KGB. He had to put theory aside and deal with his opponents on a pragmatic basis as he rose up in the ranks to Lt. Colonel. Once Putin entered the political arena, his no-holds-barred style proved very useful. His keen mind and strong martial arts background were the perfect complement to him. In addition to Russian, Putin speaks English, French and German. 
 
US Secretary of State John Kerry, to his credit, speaks fluent French in addition to English. Obama, although he has openly criticized Americans for their lack of interest in foreign languages, speaks only English. This gives Kerry the edge on international issues - learning a foreign language opens the door to foreign cultures. Obama's early Indonesian Muslim upbringing does not seem to have helped him in understanding other cultures. 
 
I see Putin loosely as Russia's equivalent to our President Regan. Putin is decisive and is a man of action -- he lowered taxes in Russia, instigating a flat tax for both personal income and business and helped lower the unemployment rate. Now the Russian economy is improving despite global economic problems. 
 
Our President Obama never owned a cap-gun as a child, never owned a BB gun and never became involved with firearms. He never studied martial arts and was never in fistfights. He was more of a sissy as a youth but he was pretty good at conflict avoidance. He became good at talking his way out of fights and he occasionally ran away. Because he was unwilling to confront conflict directly, he never developed the fighting spirit so common to most Americans.
 
Neither did Kerry, even though, again to his credit, he was a lieutenant in the US Navy. However, he applied for and received an early discharge so he could run for congress. Kerry developed a strong penchant for conflict avoidance while in Viet Nam. He never understood that in battle, you are there to fight. He was famous for fleeing the scene of skirmishes. This may partly be due to the fact that he went to a Swiss boarding school as a child and spent a lot of time with the French who are mostly a bunch of sissies - also known as surrender monkeys. 
 
I find it mystifying that Obama and Kerry, both of whom received their higher education in America, speaking standard American-English, cannot seem to communicate with clarity to each other. Certainly, when elements of foreign cultures are added, Obama is not the guy to get the job done. Kerry is better at international affairs than the clueless Obama. Obama is a pencil-necked geek who never made the first string in basketball, was too slow to run track and too frail to play football.
 
His body language suggests gayness. In contrast, Kerry was a three sport athlete at Yale -- soccer, lacrosse and hockey. However, like Obama, he was a mediocre player at best - partly because is a low risk-taker. But he is an excellent skier, snow-boarder, windsurfer and stunt flyer - he is licensed to fly nearly anything. On script for a low risk-taker, he did chicken-out when he attempted to fly under the Oakland Bridge. Oh, well. But, what happened to his face? My sympathies. 
 
I suggest that our politicians stop calling Putin a thug. Do a little of your own research -- speaking of Putin in that way is just flaunting your own ignorance. And Senator John McCain - just shut your yap. Even though I agree with your lovely daughter Meghan that you are a badass -- you are so old school. Retire and devote yourself to your beautiful wife Cindy and listen to Meghan - she has a wonderful sense of humor and is politically savvy. But, I must give you credit for being the only politician whom I have ever witnessed giving a straight answer to an interviewer.
 
You were on a talk show a few years ago and Letterman or Leno asked you several questions. You replied to each question with a yes or a no. Then you explained the salient details. That was brilliant. Others need to take an example from that. And Senator Lindsey Graham, whom I think is gay, is an embarrassment to most Americans. Graham has a talent for saying what his immediate audience wants to hear. He should listen more and yammer less. And he needs to take a lesson from Obama - get a beard. 
 
Anyway, since Russian President Vladimir Putin has become involved; the situation in Syria should improve. We thank him for that. I hope he helps with Iran as well. Iran could be a huge problem with its nuclear situation. Once Obama is out of office, I hope that our next president will further strengthen our alliance with Russia - this would be a good thing for the whole world.
 
Note that for perspective, I'm a lifelong martial artist, have had scores of fistfights, winning nearly all of them, and I'm a handgun and rifle expert. I notice that Putin, who is a marksman, is right-hand dominant but aims with his left eye. My friendly advice to him - always keep both eyes open when you shoot no matter which eye is dominant. If you ever get to Phoenix; I invite you to go out to the shooting range with me and I'll go over the benefits of so doing. 

The dumbing down of Americans

By David Hoffman

The dumbing down of America. 51333.jpeg
One of the most insidious, yet effective, political strategies in existence is what Adolf Hitler called THE GREAT LIE THEORY.  Simply put, the great lie theory states that if political leaders take great lies, reduce them to slogans, and unremittingly repeat them they can make people believe that "hell is heaven" and "heaven is hell." 
 
When successfully deployed, great lies can influence all classes of people to act against common sense, common interests, and the common good, and when great lies are propagated by the rich, they can be especially effective at turning the middle class and the poor against each other.  For this to occur, however, the propagators of great lies must overcome two fundamental problems.
 
First, they must make sure they are disseminating great lies, because ordinary lies will be recognized by the masses.
 
For example, many, if not most, Americans did not believe Bill Clinton's denials about having a sexual relationship with White House intern Monica Lewinsky, because people routinely lie about extramarital affairs.
 
Yet many, if not most, Americans obsequiously  swallowed George W. Bush's lies about Iraq possessing "weapons of mass destruction," because it was difficult for them to believe a United States president would recklessly spend billions of taxpayer dollars, and callously sacrifice thousands of lives, simply so he and his draft-dodging minions could "play soldier" without risk to their own lives, and so he could further enrich his wealthy political supporters with "no-bid" rebuilding contracts, oil leases, and other lucrative spoils of war.
 
Second, for great lies to be successful, they have to be believed, and historically this has meant that intellectuals who possess the political, social, and historical knowledge to recognize and expose great lies must be silenced.
        
In dictatorships, this is usually accomplished through censorship, intimidation, imprisonment, torture, and assassination.  But in so-called "democracies," the suppression of the intelligentsia usually has to be more subtle. 
 
Usually, but not always.  In fact, one of today's primary beneficiaries of the great lie theory, Barack Obama, has not hesitated to employ tactics once reserved for dictators.
 
Obama catapulted into the presidency on the great lie that he was a politically progressive visionary concerned about the human rights abuses, warmongering, and erosion of the Bill of Rights perpetrated by his predecessor.  He promised an "open and transparent government," and a majority of the electorate believed him.
 
But Obama has not only failed to prosecute any of the war criminals, torturers, and murderers of the Bush administration, or any of the people who covered up their crimes, he has gone to extraordinary lengths to protect them.  His administration has defended them in court and strong-armed foreign governments into not pursuing their own indictments against these criminals. 
 
By contrast, his administration has rabidly persecuted and prosecuted courageous and conscientious individuals who dared to expose America's war crimes, violations of national and international law, tortures, and murders. 
 
According to The Committee to Protect Journalists-an  organization that normally concerns itself with abuses directed against journalists in dictatorial countries-the  "[Obama] administration's war on leaks and other efforts to control information are the most aggressive . . .  since the Nixon administration . . ." and have resulted in an "unprecedented number of prosecutions of government sources and seizures of journalists' records." (qtd. in the Associated Press, October 10, 2013).
And everyone knows what a "law-abiding" president Nixon was!
 
Yet again, by contrast, the Obama administration has invaded and decimated the privacy rights of millions of Americans by expanding the spying capabilities of the National Security Agency (NSA) and the powers of the FBI and CIA, despite the fact that all three of these institutions have historically acted above the law without fear of legal reprisals, particularly when promoting corrupt government interests or enhancing the profits of American corporations.   
 
A common refrain government officials mutter to critics of these expanded powers is, "If you aren't doing anything wrong, you should have nothing to hide."
So why doesn't this refrain apply to governments too?
 
One reason for addressing Obama's great lies in this article is to show that instead of being the egalitarian, Nobel Peace Prize winning savior destined to restore America's moral standing in the world, Obama has reaffirmed the axiom that humans who seek and obtain power are usually undeserving of it and incapable of resisting its corrupting influence.
 
The second reason for addressing Obama's great lies is to dispel the proclivity of many readers to assume that being critical of one political movement or party automatically means you are supportive of the other.
 
If there is one recent movement in America that bluntly demonstrates how successful great lies can be, and how easily many Americans can be dumbed down to unquestioningly accept these lies, it is the tea party movement.  In fact, the tea party movement has been structured on one monolithic lie:  Even though it is financed and controlled by corporations and right-wing billionaires motivated by greed and selfishness, and acting to the detriment of 99% of the American population  (including many of the movement's own supporters), tea party politicians have managed to dupe numerous people into believing they are supporting a grass-roots campaign fueled by the common man.
 
There is no clearer evidence of the tea party's willingness to exploit great lies than its recent shutdown of the federal government.  After all, many members and supporters of this movement vociferously condemned and protested the Democratic legislators who retreated to other states in an effort to block anti-labor legislation in Indiana and Wisconsin. 
 
The difference, of course, was these Democrats were seeking to compel a fair and honest debate on proposed legislation, not shutting down a government, harming an economy, and putting thousands out of work because of petty bitterness over legislation that has already become law.
 
If further evidence is needed to demonstrate the political results of the dumbing down of America, it can be discerned by the fact that no truly intelligent, informed, and enlightened voter would ever believe that reprobates like Rick Perry, Sarah Palin, Michele Bachmann, Mitch Daniels, Scott Walker, Rick Snyder, Ted Cruz, Todd Rokita, Marlin Stutzman, Jackie Walorski, Eric Cantor, and John Boehner (to name a few) are or were fit for public office.
 
So how was America dumbed down to create the milieu for great lies to succeed?  There are six ways, and they are still being practiced today: 
 
1).  INDOCTRINATION:  In 2002, the United States Supreme Court ruled that students in public schools could be subjected to "random" drug testing, even though no reasonable suspicion exists that they are using, or have used, illegal drugs.  Like many indoctrination techniques, "random" drug testing pretends to have a benevolent motive.  After all, what parent would not want to know if his/her child is abusing drugs?
 
But, in addition to the financial kickbacks and other perks school administrators receive from laboratories that do this testing, the real goal is to indoctrinate impressionable school children into believing they are guilty until proven innocent, and that even their most intimate bodily functions can be controlled by a ubiquitous "big brother." 
 
In most "random" drug testing scenarios, students are ordered to leave their classrooms, required to reveal to a complete stranger any medications they are taking (including medications for depression, HIV, and/or birth control), then forced to urinate into a cup while this stranger listens.
 
And all this is occurring at the same time that many schools are eliminating courses that encourage individuality, imagination, and creativity, such as music, art, and literature, allegedly because they cannot afford to sustain them.
 
Not surprisingly, one of the most powerful pushes for indoctrination over education comes from what is perhaps the most politically backward state in the Union: Texas.
 
According to a recent article in the New York Times, several members of the Texas Board of Education are right-wing, religious zealots who are seeking to omit theories and ideas in scientific and social studies textbooks that fail to comport with their small-minded ideologies. 
 
While it is true that this indoctrination would have scant ability to dumb down the rest of America if confined within Texas's borders, some critics have expressed concerns that the size of the Texas textbook market could make it too costly for publishers to print one version of a textbook for Texas, and a different version for the rest of the United States.  Since Texas has already cursed America with the likes of Cruz, Perry, George W. Bush, Tom DeLay, and Alberto Gonzales, and given the number of electoral votes it possesses, it might actually be beneficial to America to grant the wish of many Texans and allow the state to secede from the Union.
 
2).  THE CORPORATE CONTROLLED MEDIA:  One of the ironies of having a plethora of television and radio stations to choose from in today's America is that people are actually becoming less informed and knowledgeable about state, national, and international affairs.
 
In the past, when American television viewers could only choose between two or three stations, most of the news broadcasts had journalistic integrity.  Since these broadcasts normally aired at the same time on all these channels, viewers either watched the news or they watched nothing at all.
 
Today, the abundance of television channels, along with the Internet and other rapidly evolving technologies, have spawned a myriad of mindless programs to watch and mindless activities to do.  And those who do desire to be informed are confronted with numerous news outlets competing for ratings and profits so vehemently that they simply regurgitate what viewers want to hear, instead of what they need to hear, and/or manufacture counterfeit controversies, usually involving a celebrity or sports figure, so they can avoid reporting on the real ones. 
 
Some so-called "news" networks have even mastered the "Oops, I made a mistake" strategy, where propagandists report falsehoods as truth, and then, at a later date, issue an "apology" for their "mistake," knowing that many of the people who heard the original report will not hear the retraction.
As I was researching and writing this article, I was both surprised and pleased to see a similar article by LZ Granderson entitled America's Problem: We're Too Dumb.  Having written for Pravda.Ru for over ten years, I realized that any article discussing the dumbing down of any person, entity, state, or nation is risky and controversial; therefore many journalists and pundits are reluctant to express such sentiments publicly.  Granderson made me realize there is at least one kindred spirit in the journalistic world.
 
To support his article's thesis, Granderson cited the "person on the street" interviews often conducted by some late-night television hosts.  During these interviews, the host shows people photographs of historically significant figures and of celebrities.  Although the historical figure is rarely identified by the interviewee, the celebrity almost always is.
 
Still, despite the commentary on the flawed priorities and lack of relevant knowledge many Americans possess, there is inherent hypocrisy in these interviews, because late-night talk show hosts are some of the principal culprits promoting the very "cult of celebrity" they are ridiculing.
 
3).  NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CAPITALISM DEMANDS IGNORANCE, NOT INTELLIGENCE:  Granderson states, "an uneducated workforce is a hindrance to us all and an uninformed electorate is the thorn in democracy's side . . ."
 
While I agree with his latter observation, I disagree with the former.  An uninformed electorate is indeed a thorn in democracy's side, but it is a rose in capitalism's hand, and, unfortunately, an uneducated workforce is a blessing, not a hindrance, to tea party politicians and their billionaire backers.
 
Capitalism thrives on fear and ignorance:  people often fear losing their employment to such an extent that they will mutely accept the lifelong prospect of being paid too little for working too much at a job they despise.  Then they frequently waste the wages they earn paying too much for products they don't need or want because "everybody else has one," and/or engaging in costly activities they don't enjoy because "everybody else is doing them."
 
Marketing and advertising is built upon the "herd mentality"-consequently, the resolute sense of individuality and independence that education often inspires is anathema to the capitalist system.
 
4).  THE COSTS OF COLLEGE AND THE RISE OF "FOR-PROFIT" EDUCATION:  One of the criticisms leveled against traditional colleges is they compel students to take courses unrelated to their academic goals. 
 
For example, I was required to take courses in subjects like literature, geology, physics, biology, and economics even though my major was communications.  And while I ended up enjoying these subjects, I still, like many of my classmates, viewed these requirements as a way for the university to gouge more tuition dollars out of me.
 
Colleges and universities often emphasize the benefits of higher education by comparing the annual incomes of people with and without college degrees.  Yet what they neglect to factor into this comparison is the student loan debt many, if not most, college students have accumulated. 
 
After paying monthly student loan bills, a college graduate may actually be left with less income than a person without a degree, and even this is contingent on whether the graduate has had the good fortune to secure a job that provides enough income to both service the debt and other living expenses.
 
A student loan default can follow college graduates around for the rest of their lives, creating a cruel Catch-22 where student loan debtors require good incomes to pay off defaulted loans and reestablish good credit, yet they cannot obtain employment that pays such an income because of the bad credit rating caused by these same defaulted loans.
 
Also, in tough economic times, when competition for any type of job is fierce, persons with higher education degrees may actually be at a disadvantage, because prospective employers will often label them "overqualified" (a code word meaning "wanting more than we are willing to pay").
 
As the expense associated with traditional college or university degrees decreases interest in higher education, the dumbing down of America will increase. 
 
Some pundits have contended that the growth of the "for-profit" college industry (colleges owned by private corporations) and "online courses" will prevent this dumbing down from occurring. 
 
The allure of "for-profits" is that prospective students are told they can learn at home "at their own pace," course schedules are flexible, and, with narrow exceptions, they are only required to take courses related to their specific area of study.
 
Yet these alleged "benefits" not only ignore the classroom and other social interactions that are often crucial to the overall learning experience, they also create people who are proficient in one area but totally ignorant in others.  As a famous quote from George Santayana states, "Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it."  Such doom is a certainty when history is not being taught.
 
5).  THE DESTRUCTION OF ACADEMIC FREEDOM:  In several past articles for Pravda.Ru, I have discussed how the University of Colorado (UC), in conjunction with Colorado's corrupt legal system, decimated academic freedom throughout the United States by firing tenured professor Ward Churchill. 
 
Churchill came under scrutiny after authoring a controversial essay about the September 11, 2001
attacks.  Although UC initially contended that Churchill's essay was protected by his right to freedom of speech, they subsequently conducted an "investigation" into allegations that he had engaged in plagiarism and other forms of academic misconduct. 
 
After he was fired, Churchill filed a lawsuit against UC, and a jury returned a verdict in his favor, finding that the misconduct allegations were simply a pretext used to discharge him.  But the presiding judge, Larry Naves, himself a graduate of UC law school, reversed the jury's verdict and upheld Churchill's firing. 
 
Although Churchill's case eventually made its way to the United States Supreme Court, the so-called "justices"-callously (but predictably) indifferent to the corrosive impact his firing has upon academic tenure and freedom-refused to hear it.
 
Thanks to UC, Larry Naves, and the United States Supreme Court, every professor in America, tenured or not, will now tremble at the thought of researching, studying, writing, or expressing anything that could remotely be construed as "controversial"-a sad prospect in a world where today's pariahs are frequently tomorrow's prophets.
So the dumbing down goes on.
 
6).  CORRUPTION:  If Professor Ward Churchill was fired for nothing more than expressing his opinion, then what type of career in higher education should await a right-wing, book-burning, lying, hypocritical politician who worships privatization and despises publicly funded programs and schools?
 
In Indiana, he is appointed the president of publicly funded Purdue University. 
 
Not only that.  He is appointed by the very lackeys he previously appointed to Purdue's "board of trustees."
 
Mitch Daniels, during his tenure as governor of Indiana, instituted several so-called educational "reforms" designed to weaken the public school system.  In addition, he sought to ban certain books, like Professor Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States, from Indiana classrooms. 
 
One such "reform" was an "A-F" grading scale used by Indiana's Superintendent of Schools to determine how much state funding a school would be eligible to receive. 
 
Recently, the Associated Press (AP) obtained e-mails indicating that Tony Bennett, who served as Superintendent of Schools under Daniels, changed the grade of Christel House charter school from a "C" to an "A."
 
According to the AP, the school's founder Christel DeHann, had "given $2.8 million to Republicans since 1998, including $130,000 to Bennett and thousands more to state legislative leaders."
I have written extensively about the history of corruption in Indiana politics in articles such as The Ku Klux Klan Once Again Controls Indiana (Pravda.Ru, November 12, 2012), and its political backwardness may only be rivaled by Texas. 
 
This was made appallingly clear when, despite Bennett's antics, Indiana voters still elected Republican "super majorities" to the State Legislature and tea party darling Mike Pence as governor.  And even though Democrat Glenda Ritz was elected to replace Bennett, her "victory" serves as nothing more than a depressing reaffirmation of how oblivious Indiana voters are to the magnitude of their state's corruption.   
 
As the South Bend Tribune recently reported (October 13, 2013), the State Board of Education Ritz chairs is still polluted with Bennett supporters, her funding has been drastically cut by the Republican "super majorities," Pence has moved $5 million dollars earmarked for Ritz's office to his office, and, when Indiana "lawmakers" reconvene in 2014, Ritz expects to be completely stripped of her authority.
 
So this question ultimately emerges:  Is Indiana so dumbed down that its governor and Republican "super majorities" foresee no political risk in placing the interests of wealthy Republican donors above the educational interests of children?
 
Considering that Indiana voters are also responsible for electing tea party darlings like Walorski, Rokita, and Stutzman to the United States Congress, the answer can only be a resounding YES!
 
Meanwhile, Daniels recently flaunted how tightly he carries Purdue's Board of Trustees in his pocket by giving a paid speech to a conservative "think tank" in Minnesota, despite his promise to avoid partisan politics while serving as Purdue's president.
 
Some pundits have contended that the tea party's political antics, including the recent government shutdown, have set it on the pathway to destruction.  This might be the case if a majority of the people still determined the outcome of elections in America.  Despite successes in Texas and Indiana, the tea party's ability to dumb down a majority of the voters so they will believe its great lies still has limits, at least during this stage of American history.
 
But the tea party realizes that soon the majority of the people will no longer determine the outcome of elections.  The minority of the people with the majority of the money will.
 
It is no secret that the tea party movement was significantly bolstered by the United States Supreme Court's corruption inviting Citizens United case, which removed all financial limits on what corporations and right-wing billionaires could spend to promote tea party candidates. 
 
And now this same court, comprised of some of the most biased, racist, unethical, politicized, myopic, and corrupt "justices" in American history, is poised to grant corporations and right-wing billionaires the power to give unlimited financial support directly to political candidates.
 
Of course, America will still call itself a democracy.  And, if the dumbing down of that once great nation continues unabated, this great lie will undoubtedly be accepted without question.